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When You Speak Up, They Come For You: The Documented Reality of What Happens to Leaders of Color Who Refuse to Stay Quiet

  • Writer: Humberto Rodriguez
    Humberto Rodriguez
  • 2 days ago
  • 11 min read

By Humberto Rodriguez

Sunnyside, WA

Dumping Ground: The Series is five-part investigative reporting from the Yakima Valley. This is Part Two of Five. An independent documentary is in production.


There is a moment that happens to almost every leader of color who steps into public life and decides to use their voice for their community.

The moment is not when they win their seat. It is not when they take their oath. It is not even when they make their first difficult decision.


The moment comes when they name something that powerful people would prefer to remain unnamed.


And then, almost without fail, the response is not to address what they said. The response is to come after them.


This is not a theory. This is a documented, researched, historically consistent pattern. And what happened to Mayor Vicky Frausto of Sunnyside, Washington, the first Latina Mayor of her city, after she stood at a podium on March 25th, 2026 and spoke the truth about what her community had been subjected to, is not an isolated incident.


It is the pattern. Playing out again. In real time. In our valley.


The System Was Not Built With Her In Mind


To understand what Vicky Frausto walked into when she was elected, you have to understand the structure she walked into.


Latino people make up nearly 20 percent of the United States population. Yet only a fraction of one percent of elected officials in this country are Latino. The gap between demographic reality and political representation is not an accident. It is the result of systems designed and in some cases explicitly designed, to keep Latino voices out of the rooms where decisions are made.


The Brennan Center for Justice has documented how voter suppression has specifically targeted Latino communities for over a century. For more than 60 years, Arizona law required voters to pass an English literacy test to register. The authors of that 1909 law stated their intention plainly, to block what they called the ignorant Mexican vote. White only primaries implemented in Texas in 1923 specifically barred Latinos from participating in crucial primary elections. These are not ancient footnotes. They are the foundation.


Citation: An act to enforce the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States and for other purposes, August 6, 1965; Enrolled Acts and Resolutions of Congress, 1789-; General Records of the United States Government; Record Group 11; National Archives
Citation: An act to enforce the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States and for other purposes, August 6, 1965; Enrolled Acts and Resolutions of Congress, 1789-; General Records of the United States Government; Record Group 11; National Archives

UnidosUS, the largest Latino civil rights organization in the country, has documented in extensive research how structural racism against Latinos has persisted across every major institution. Education. Housing. Employment. Healthcare. The criminal justice system. In each domain the pattern is the same, systems that were not designed for these communities, enforced by institutions that were not accountable to them, producing outcomes that consistently disadvantage them, and then blaming the communities themselves for those outcomes.

This is what structural racism means. Not that every individual in a system is racist. But that systems can produce racially discriminatory outcomes without any individual being consciously aware of it, or without caring enough to change it.


When A Latina Finally Gets To The Table


Latinas have been breaking barriers in American politics for less than a century in any meaningful way. Fedelina Lucero Gallegos and Porfirfia Hidalgo Saiz became the first two Latinas elected to any statewide legislature — in New Mexico in 1930. It was not until 1989 that the first Latina was elected to the United States Congress. The first Latina U.S. Senator was not elected until 2017.


Fedelina Lucero Gallegos & Porfirria Hidalgo Saiz The first two Latinas elected to any state legislature in United States history. New Mexico House of Representatives, 1931-1932. One Republican. One Democrat. No photographs of either woman exist in any public archive, including the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, the nation's most comprehensive database of women in political history. Their names are in the record. Their faces are not.
Fedelina Lucero Gallegos & Porfirria Hidalgo Saiz The first two Latinas elected to any state legislature in United States history. New Mexico House of Representatives, 1931-1932. One Republican. One Democrat. No photographs of either woman exist in any public archive, including the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, the nation's most comprehensive database of women in political history. Their names are in the record. Their faces are not.

These are not historical curiosities. They tell you how recent, and how hard fought, Latino political representation actually is. Every Latina in elected office today is standing on ground that was denied to the generations before her.


And the research tells us clearly what happens when Latinas do break through.


A 2016 Inter-Parliamentary Union study of women parliamentarians across 39 countries found that 81.8 percent had experienced psychological violence. 65.5 percent had received humiliating sexual or sexist remarks. 44.4 percent had received threats of death, rape, beatings, or abduction. The study concluded that violence against women in politics is a strategy, a documented, deliberate strategy, to keep positions of power in the hands of those who have always held them.


NBC News documented the institutional and cultural barriers Latinas face not just in running for office, but once they are in office. Scholars identified what they called the good old boy network still playing in Latino politics, where Latinas are less likely to be taken seriously, more likely to be undermined, more likely to face questions about their authority and their motives that their male counterparts rarely face.


The Brennan Center for Justice found that 43 percent of state legislators and 18 percent of local officeholders have experienced threats of harm in recent years. Nearly 40 percent say that abuse has lessened their desire to run for reelection. The report identified Latino officials as disproportionately affected, at greater risk precisely because they are newer to power and face communities that are not always accustomed to seeing them there.


What Vicky Frausto Did


On March 25th, 2026, Mayor Vicky Frausto, the first Latina Mayor of Sunnyside, Washington, stood at a public hearing of the Yakima Regional Clean Air Agency and said what needed to be said.

Courtesy of Vicky Frausto
Courtesy of Vicky Frausto

She said that she had gone door to door in 2023 to ask residents near the proposed industrial site if they knew about it. Not one resident knew. Most were monolingual Spanish speakers. She said that is not transparency. That is systemic exclusion rooted in a pattern where communities of color are left out of decision making while they are expected to absorb the harm.


She also published documentation showing that a Pacific Ag Renewables representative, Kipp Curtis, the company's project manager, sat in the back of that hearing room while Sunnyside residents testified about their health, their children, their community, and texted messages that called Mayor Frausto a bitch, described the community as uneducated, and mocked men with purses.


She was there. She documented it. She put it on the public record.


And then she waited for her community to respond.



What Happened Next | And Why It Was Predictable


Within hours of Mayor Frausto's statement becoming public, the responses on social media followed a pattern so consistent with documented research that it reads like a case study.

Some people questioned whether the photos were real. Others argued that the text messages were only directed at a handful of people, not the community as a whole. Others said it was all politics. Others suggested the real story was about who was paying the people raising the concerns.


None of these responses addressed the substance of what Mayor Frausto had documented.


Not one person who made those excuses asked why a company seeking a permit to build one of the largest manure digesters in the Pacific Northwest, a company publicly committed to transparency, had a representative texting contemptuous messages about community members during a public hearing.


Not one person asked why a company's project manager, photographed texting those messages while residents testified about their health, should be trusted to operate a 50-acre industrial facility next to their homes.


The response was not to the substance. It was to the person who spoke.


This is the pattern. This is how it works. Not always with violence. Not always with explicit hatred. But with deflection, minimization, and the steady effort to make the person who named the problem the problem.


The White Guilt Distraction | And Why It Misses The Point Entirely


Here is the thing that needs to be said clearly and without apology.


When people talk about systemic racism, when they name a pattern of outcomes that consistently disadvantages communities of color, a common response is discomfort. That discomfort often gets expressed as I'm not racist, or you're calling me guilty for something I didn't do, or why do we have to make everything about race.


This response, however understandable it may feel, fundamentally misunderstands what is being said.


Naming systemic racism is not an accusation directed at any individual person. It is a description of how systems operate. The New Republic documented this confusion extensively, conservatives and others have argued for decades that systemic racism is simply a term designed to lay a guilt trip on white people. But this argument depends on a misunderstanding. Systemic racism is not about conscious intent. It is about documented outcomes.


When the American Lung Association ranks Yakima as the 8th most polluted region in the country. When the Lower Yakima Valley, where the Latino population is highest, has the worst air quality in the state. When a federal court orders three dairies to provide alternative drinking water to families whose wells are contaminated with nitrates. When a $120 million industrial project is approved without a single document translated into Spanish for the people living closest to it. When a public hearing is held in Yakima instead of Sunnyside. When the Mayor goes door to door and not one resident near the site knows the project exists.


None of those outcomes required anyone to be consciously racist. They required something perhaps more common and more dangerous, a system that simply did not consider those residents important enough to inform.


Nobody needs to feel guilty about history they did not personally create. But everyone living in this valley today has a choice about what they do with the history they have inherited. Guilt is not the goal. Accountability is.


And accountability starts with not making excuses for documented disrespect of a community leader who was doing exactly what she was elected to do.


What The Texts Actually Represent


Some people on social media argued that the text messages sent by Kipp Curtis were only about a few specific people, Mayor Frausto, Maria Fernandez, Jean Mendoza, and not about the community as a whole.


This argument deserves a direct answer.


The people being texted about are the first Latina Mayor of Sunnyside. The executive director of the leading Latina leadership organization in the Lower Yakima Valley. The executive director of the environmental advocacy organization that has spent 17 years documenting what industrial agriculture is doing to the health of this community.


These are not random individuals. They are the voices of the community. They are the people who showed up, studied the issue, organized their neighbors, and stood at the microphone to speak on behalf of the people who could not.


When a company representative dismisses them as uneducated, while they are in the process of testifying with facts, citations, and documented evidence, he is not dismissing three individuals. He is dismissing the community they represent and the legitimacy of the concerns they are raising.


And he is doing it in a group text, to at least two other Pacific Ag executives, during a formal public regulatory hearing.


That is not a personal dispute. That is a window into corporate culture. And it is a window the community deserved to see before that permit is decided.


The Uphill Road


Courtesy of Vicky Frausto
Courtesy of Vicky Frausto

Mayor Vicky Frausto was born and raised in Sunnyside. She is the daughter of Mexican immigrants. She is the first Latina Mayor of a city that is majority Latino, which means that for all of Sunnyside's history before her, the majority of its residents were governed without anyone who looked like them, spoke their language, or had lived their experience sitting at the head of the table.


She did not get there easily. ELLA, the organization co-founded with Maria Fernandez, fought a legal battle against the Sunnyside School District for violating the Washington State Voting Rights Act through racially polarized voting. Because of that fight, the district reformed its election system so that Latino-majority districts would finally have genuine representation. That is the context in which Vicky Frausto took office.

Courtesy of Vicky Frausto
Courtesy of Vicky Frausto

And now she is using that office exactly as it should be used, to stand in the gap when her community is being overlooked, dismissed, or ignored.


What she has been met with, in return, on social media, in comment sections, and in the whispers of people who would prefer she stay quiet, is the same thing that has met every leader of color who has used their voice in this way throughout American history.


Dismissal. Questioning of motives. Personal attacks. The suggestion that she is being political. The suggestion that she is exaggerating. The suggestion that the people who show up in her name have an agenda.


They do have an agenda. The agenda is clean air, clean water, and the right to know what is being built next to their homes. That is not a radical agenda. That is the basic standard that every community in this country is supposed to receive.


This Is Not About Blame. This Is About What Comes Next.


There is a reason this piece needed to be written. Not to assign blame to any individual. Not to make anyone feel guilty for being born into circumstances they did not choose. Not to declare enemies.


It needed to be written because excusing documented contempt for a community leader, regardless of your own politics, your own history, your own relationship to this issue, is not a neutral act.


When someone documents that a company representative called a Latina mayor a bitch while she was speaking on behalf of her constituents, and the response is well he was probably only talking about her and not the whole community, that is a choice. A choice to minimize. A choice to look away. A choice to make it easier for the next company that comes into the next low-income, predominantly Latino community to do the same thing without consequence.


The Yakima Valley is too good for that. The people who built this valley with their hands, who pick the apples, who milk the cows, who work the fields before the sun comes up — deserve better than that. And Mayor Vicky Frausto, standing at that microphone doing exactly the job she was elected to do, deserved better than a company representative texting contempt while she spoke.


Accountability is not guilt. Accountability is simply refusing to look away.


And in this valley, in this moment, that refusal starts here.



A Note on Use and Republication

This article may be shared freely for non-commercial purposes with full credit to the author. If you are a publication interested in republishing this piece in full or in part please contact Humberto Rodriguez directly at info@humbertor.com or through humbertor.com. This work was produced independently with no organizational funding or affiliation. The reporting, research, and editorial decisions are solely those of the author.



Sources:

Brennan Center for Justice — Latino voter suppression documentation; threats against elected officials research

UnidosUS — Systemic Racism and Resulting Inequity in the Latino Community (2021); Latino Civil Rights and Racial Equity

Inter-Parliamentary Union — Sexism, Harassment and Violence Against Women Parliamentarians (2016)

Latinas Represent / Center for American Women and Politics — Latina Political Representation Report (2022)

NBC News — Latinas Face Hurdles in Politics Despite Making Strides (2018)

The New Republic — The Right's Farcical Denial of Systemic Racism

National Institute of Justice — Experiences of Victimization Among Latinos

PMC / National Library of Medicine — Discrimination in the United States: Experiences of Latinos (2019)

PMC / National Library of Medicine — Systems of Oppression: The Impact of Discrimination on Latinx Immigrant Adolescents' Well-Being and Development (2022)

She Should Run — The First But Not The Last: Latinas Who Made Political History

Ms. Magazine — Latinas' Political Power Is Changing the Election Playbook (2021)

ELLA Adelante — Team page and organizational history; Sunnyside School District voting rights litigation

Yakima Herald-Republic — YRCAA public hearing coverage, March 2026

Statement of Mayor Vicky Frausto — YRCAA Public Hearing, March 25, 2026; published on Vicky Frausto for Sunnyside City Council District 3 Facebook page



Humberto Rodriguez is a small business owner, a lifelong resident of the Yakima Valley, and the host of Behind the Scenes with Humberto Rodriguez. He is currently directing a documentary about the Sunnyside RNG project and its impact on the Lower Yakima Valley community. He can be reached at info@humbertor.com or at 509-305-1542.




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